Wednesday, November 30, 2011

Morocco Elections: Future of the Democratic Process

Morocco Elections: Future of the Democratic Process


By Morocco News Agency Staff

Rabat, Morocco --- November 30, 2011 ... The main challenge facing the Moroccan political system was the prospect of voter apathy. In the 2009 local and regional elections, turnout was 37 percent. In urban slums and remote villages, economically poorer elements of society told pollsters that “they did not plan to cast their ballots because they had no faith that legislators would work to improve their lives”.

Therefore, all political parties and the media in Morocco conducted a major awareness campaign in the final few days before the 2011 Parliamentary elections urging the populace to go out and vote. Famous artists, entertainers and other media personalities went public promising that they would “do all they can” to ensure higher turnout than in previous elections. As well, the entire country was covered with official banners urging the people to “do their national duty” and “participate in the change the country is undergoing”. This clearly paid dividends, with the considerably higher voter turnout which was achieved for the November 25, 2011, Parliamentary polls.

Apprehension about a possible low turnout did exist, right up until polling began, but rumors of a boycott by the “February 20 Movement” and its purported message as the cause proved to be erroneous. The quintessence of the intifadas which had spread through parts of the Arab World — a process commonly referred to as “the Arab Spring” — has been grassroots rejection of their failed modern states and regimes in favor of restoring traditional Islamist-dominated alternate forms of governance. 

In this context, Morocco is the exception which proves the rule.

Morocco has been ruled by the Alaouite Dynasty since the mid-17th Century. Being a direct descendant of both Prophet Muhammad and Imam Ali, the King of Morocco has unassailable legitimacy under the most traditionalist and Islamic terms. As is the case in all Western democracies, free and fair parliamentary and local and regional elections give the public venues to express their political opinions and to affect both national and local issues. As a result, the vast majority of Moroccans had no reason to take to the streets.

Moreover, members of the original organizing committee of the “February 20 Movement” withdrew their participation from the demonstrations against the Parliamentary elections once the extreme political character of some of the participating entities became clear. Simply put, Morocco has a combination of a traditionally-legitimate form of government with individual and political freedoms enabling all citizens to express their regional and localized traditions. Hence, there is no evidence of any meaningful grassroots interest in launching an intifada in Morocco. Indeed, the ongoing incitement of Al-Jazeera and other pan-Arab media served only to bring minuscule crowds to the streets.

The ratification of the New Constitution in the July 1, 2011, referendum by an overwhelming majority of 98.49 percent of the voters with a voters’ turnout of 72.65 percent, clearly demonstrated the extent of genuine grassroots support for the Monarchy and the constitutional reforms process.

ISSA has for some years carefully studied the evolution of Moroccan political processes. For example, an International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA) report analyzed King Mohammed VI’s speech of November 6, 2008, and highlighted his decision that Morocco unilaterally implement the “sophisticated process of regionalization” by introducing a new system of local governance.

In this speech, His Majesty announced the launch of a process of profound domestic reforms in Morocco, both structurally (redistricting) and governance-wise (regionalization).

It was with the June 12, 2009, local elections in Morocco, that the people were elected who would be implementing the King’s vision of reform. This made the local elections of significance nationally, and were, then, equally important in positioning Morocco’s viability strategically. This process was compounded and brought to a significant watershed with the November 25, 2011, Parliamentary elections.

As was the case with the elections of September 7, 2007 — which ISSA also analyzed in several reports — Moroccan elections constitute excellent and accurate reflection of the dynamics in Moroccan society because they are inherently free, fair, and transparent. However, this process was taken to new levels of accountability with the June 12, 2009, and November 25, 2011, elections, and this was reflected by the markedly higher voter turnout than the 2007 parliamentary elections, and this higher turnout reflected growing voter confidence.

Of particular importance was that the election process and voter turnout in the four provinces of the Moroccan Western Sahara (MWS) region of Morocco, given that this region — in which the United Nations has taken a particular interest — has been under international scrutiny, with a wide range of claims by external groups.

This was the case in the 2009 local elections, and appeared also to be the case with the November 25, 2011, Parliamentary elections. Without addressing that debate in this report, it was important to note that ISSA’s careful monitoring of polling through urban and rural areas of Sahara showed, as with the 2009 polls:
A higher level of voter turnout than the national average; a high proportion of women voters; a complete absence of any presence by foreign-sponsored groups, or any indication of any influence over voters by foreign sponsored groups; the Algerian-supported and externally-based POLISARIO movement did not contest the elections, and, in discussions which ISSA had with voters at various polling stations, it was expressed that POLISARIO was, in fact, not seen as relevant or a consideration in the political process.

From the standpoint of ISSA’s interest in the conduct of the election, the results in Morocco were strategically important for the transformative nature of what the elections themselves represented, rather than for who, or which parties, were elected. It was the election itself which showed the continued process of the devolution of power and responsibility from the leadership of a unitary state down to Parliamentary, regional and local levels.

ISSA noted in the 2011 elections, as with the 2009 polls, the complete absence of any security concerns in the urban and rural areas visited, and noted, in contrast, the high levels of infrastructural investment throughout the Saharan territory, and the rising productivity of local economic activities, from phosphate and high-value sands mining and exports, to fisheries output and export.

Part of ISSA’s interest in closely watching the election process in Sahara was to be able — as it did in the 2009 election process — to verify or refute political claims made by external groups which had expressed an interest in the region. Quite significantly, the demonstrable integration of Sahara’s population and structures with those of the rest of the Kingdom has also ensured a positive and growing increase in public safety and the rule of law, which has been measured by the reality that the proliferation of narco-trafficking and illegal migration on much Africa’s West and Sahel coastline has been stemmed in the region of Moroccan Sahara.

The Moroccan elections of September 7, 2007, June 12, 2009, and the November 25, 2011, Parliamentary elections were, collectively, among the most free and fair elections globally in recent years.

They were also of strategic importance because they reflected a standard and a methodology which should serve as a model for elections elsewhere. Moreover, they were of strategic importance in that they represented a process by which a nation could re-invigorate its economic and social dynamic through the devolution of democratic processes to every level and geographic aspect of society.

Monday, November 28, 2011

Morocco Elections: Pragmatism, Moderation Will Continue

Morocco Elections: Pragmatism, Moderation Will Continue

By Morocco News Agency Staff

Rabat, Morocco --- November 28, 2011 ...The final results of Morocco’s parliamentary elections were released on November 27. Together with assessments based on the parties’ own political studies - these results constitute a sound base for analysis of what to expect next on the Moroccan political scene.

The two key factors in the results concern the relative powers of the leading parties.

With 107 seats (out of a total of 395) - the Islamist Justice and Development Party (PJD) has a clear plurality in the future parliament. Abdelillah Benkirane, the PJD’s secretary-general, is thus the leading candidate for Morocco’s next prime minister. However, the PJD has only 27% of the seats - or about half of what is necessary for a slim majority.

 Although eighteen parties are represented in the next parliament - only four (beyond the PJD) have large enough a representation to make viable political standing. The venerable Independence Party won 60 seats (15%). The National Rally for Independents (which is a coalition of eight royalist parties) won 52 seats (13%), the Authenticity and Modernity Party won 47 seats (12%), and the Socialist Union of Popular Forces won 39 seats (10%). All other parties hover between single-digit figures and two or single MPs.

This means that the PJD will have to form a major coalition with more than two parties - an extremely complicated political challenge under the best of circumstances. The PJD is cognizant of this. “We are open to all political parties in order to form the government, to the exception of one party [meaning the Authenticity and Modernity Party],” Benkirane said shortly after the final results were announced. In order to ensure the kind of high-quality governance it had promised during the campaign - the PJD leaders would prefer to establish a relatively small cabinet. Toward this end, the PJD is willing to compromise deeply with key coalition allies. “It is not [even] necessary to allocate the majority of portfolios to the PJD,” Benkirane said. 

Ultimately, however, the anticipated establishment of a PJD-led coalition - particularly in the context of the evolving voters’ base - means that pragmatism, moderation and continuity will continue to dominate Moroccan policies.

The main reason for the rise of the PJD in the last few years is that wider segments of society - that is, non-Islamists - shifted support because of a growing belief in the PJD’s legal and social platform. These new supporters are convinced that the PJD is the most likely to deliver good governance and social justice, fight corruption, as well as put the country on the right path to economic betterment for the downtrodden. (This basic trend of voters’ shift to Islamist parties for social reasons was also noted in other Arab countries such as Egypt, Tunisia and Jordan.)

However, many of these new supporters are largely secular and do not practice Islam to the degree favored by the PJD’s original leaders. Moreover, such early PJD policies as banning alcohol are immensely unpopular with them. To sustain the support of, and empowerment by, these wider segments of the population the PJD will have to moderate and compromise - thus retaining Morocco’s diverse and liberal life-style.

Similarly, all political parties and blocs in Morocco have by now comprehended and internalized that the public expect them to focus on domestic social and economic issues - particularly resolve such lingering problems as providing for good governance, betterment of living, viable employment prospects particularly for the youth, further improvement of education, and fighting corruption at the street-level.

The main differences between the leading parties and the PJD are on HOW to attain these goals. Hence, it should be possible for most main parties to attain a compromise on commonly accepted modalities for enacting the profound socio-economic reforms sought after by virtually the entire population. And such substantive agreement on mutually accepted compromises is the most important facet in reaching a viable coalition agreement. 

Presently, the leading candidate for the PJD’s primary strategic partner is the Koutla alliance. The Koutla is a loose alliance of the Independence Party (60 seats - 15%), the Socialist Union of Popular Forces (39 seats - 10%) and the Progress and Socialism Party (18 seats - 5%). The Koutla parties are focused on social issues and the establishment of a Westernized welfare state. As a unified body, the Koutla has impressive political presence - a total of 117 seats (30%) - that exceeds the PJD’s.

Indeed, Benkirane stressed that the PJD has “an affinity” with the parties of the Koutla because they “showed a political maturity”. He added that the Koutla alliance has already expressed willingness to take part in the upcoming coalition government. In order to ensure the widest possible coalition, Benkirane indicated the PJD was also open to include the Popular Movement (32 seats - 8%) in the coalition in addition to the Koutla. Such a coalition would master a respectable total of 256 seats (65%). This will be a narrow-issue government based on a mixture of Islamists and secular Socialists jointly focusing on implementing domestic socio-economic reforms and improvements.

Alas, the political reforms process of the last five years - that culminated in the ratification and adoption of the new Constitution - find the entire parliamentary-political establishment unprepared for some of the inevitable challenges. Hence, as the leaders of Morocco’s main parties sit down to begin the inevitable coalition negotiations - there will be bumps merely because of inexperience that will, in turn, prolong and complicate the negotiations process. However, given the unity of the mind about the nation’s most burning challenges and differences mainly on the modalities for their resolution - a viable coalition will ultimately emerge.

Thus, after some rancorous coalition negotiations and substantive meaningful compromises - Morocco will settle for stable coalition government focusing on providing good governance and resolving socio-economic challenges without rocking the country’s unique and endearing social order characterized by diversity, pragmatism and moderation.

There should be no doubt that Morocco is on the threshold of profound socio-political and economic transformation. The public at large has great expectations from a PJD-led government and will give the forthcoming coalition government a grace period to prove itself. Delivering discernible success expeditiously - that is, within a realistic time-frame - will be the only yardstick by which the PJD-led government will be judged by the public and future voters.



Sunday, November 27, 2011

Morocco Elections: Report by the International Strategic Studies Association

Morocco Elections: Report by the International Strategic Studies Association 

By Gregory R. Copley, President,  International Strategic Studies Association.

Rabat, Morocco --- November 28, 2011... The International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA)1 deployed a team of experienced election monitors to key areas throughout the Kingdom of Morocco to monitor the conduct of the November 25, 2011, Parliamentary elections, which followed the guidelines laid down in the new Constitution of the Kingdom, approved overwhelmingly by the July 2011 Referendum.
ISSA has been conducting research on modern governance and regionalization in countries with diverse population, and, as a result, had also been able to comprehensively study and monitor the Moroccan local elections of June 12, 2009, and also had monitored and studied the September 2007 Parliamentary elections and the development of the 2011 Constitution in the Kingdom. 
The November 25, 2011, Parliamentary polls in Morocco were the 73rd elections conducted in the country since independence in 1956 (the 74th if the Constitutional Referendum of July 1, 2011, is taken into account). As a result, Morocco has had long experience in conducting elections, but has, particularly under the reign of King Mohammed VI, taken the improvement of election processes to be a vital component of national transformation. This was further deepened by the evolution and national acceptance of a new Constitution in 2011 which would — beginning with the process of the 2011 Parliamentary elections — lead Morocco to the status of a full, Parliamentary democracy in the form of a Constitutional Monarchy which would be fully comparable to the European constitutional monarchies which form the framework of modern, participatory governance.
Before discussing the results, it is important to note that all ISSA researchers and monitors, who had unfettered and comprehensive access to polling stations chosen at random throughout the country, found the elections to be among the best-organized and most transparent possible. The November 25, 2011, Parliamentary elections benefited from the experience of the 2009 local government elections, and, with the introduction of a secure new national identity card system, were able to be operated transparently and even more efficiently than the 2009 local elections. There was considerable evidence of an open and community-driven process in which the following highlights should be noted:
1.      Voter lists had been reviewed and scrutinized to ensure that all eligible voters were recognized and verified. This was exemplified, additionally, by the fact that ISSA researchers did not see a single challenge to the electoral lists based on exclusion; nor did we witness any instance of persons attempting to double-vote. This demonstrated a painstaking attention to ensuring that the underlying fairness of the election was beyond dispute.
2.     The organization of actual polling day activities was meticulous in detail, ensuring that polling facilities were readily accessible to voters. Security was consistent but light; there was no sense of a coercive official presence, but there was sufficient evidence to voters that polling stations would be secure. Within the polling areas, local volunteers ensured that there was a significant sense that this was a process governed at grass roots. Moreover, the fact that, without exception, these volunteer polling station officials followed exactly the same procedures for dealing with voters, highlighted the reality that training and documentation for election procedures would be consistent nationally. The Government and the Moroccan monitoring organization, the National Human Rights Council (Conseil national des droits de l’Homme), ensured that election information was available in Arabic, French, and Berber script, in accordance with the provisions of the new Constitution. 
3.     The arrangement of polling station procedures was undertaken to ensure maximum confidentiality and transparency of process. Voter identification was able to be undertaken with efficiency because of the fact that voters had national identification (ID) certificates — which verified that they were, indeed, bona fide citizens — as well as valid and current voter registration numbers. This combination of voter documents ensured that election officials could readily verify and check off voter participation. Significantly, all voters’ qualifications were checked by two separate officials working from identical local voter registration lists. The process was under the scrutiny of a panel of monitors from the political parties present in every polling room.
4.     Weather for election day was optimal for full voter participation; temperatures were mild. Voting stations opened at 8am (08:00 GMT) and closed at 7pm (19:00 GMT). Average age of the voter population is young: 57 percent of Morocco’s 13.6-million eligible voters are 35 or younger. Indicative of the importance of the elections to the Moroccan political establishment is that 5,873 candidates from 31 parties were seeking to fill the 395 seats of Parliament; 70 of them earmarked for young and woman candidates.
5. Initial results, as announced by Interior Minister Taieb Cherqaoui on the evening of November 25, 2011, indicated that voter turnout in the 2011 Parliamentary elections stood at around 45 percent nationwide. This turnout thus exceeded the 37 percent of the 2007 Parliamentary elections. Data collected and analyzed by the Moroccan Interior Ministry pointed to a building voters’ momentum toward the closing of the elections. Voting started slow. By noontime, voter turnout stood at 11.5 percent. However, by 3pm (15:00 GMT), voter turnout stood at 22.4 percent, and at 5pm (17:00 GMT), voter turnout reached 34 percent. By 7pm (19:00 GMT) when the polling stations closed down, the voters’ turnout stood at 45 percent. Voter turnout, while still below the 50 percent mark, pointed to a growing confidence in the role of Parliament and democracy in charting the nation’s course. 
6.      ISSA researchers were able, on a random basis, to monitor the counting of votes at a local level after polling stations closed. Again, under the monitoring of a range of officials from different parties and volunteer management, there was little or no opportunity for, and no evidence of, attempts to interfere with or distort the counting process.
7.     Logistical arrangements for the conduct of the elections by the Ministry of Interior reflected a painstaking demonstration of the Government’s clear desire to be seen to avoid interference with, or influence over, the processes. At the same time, however, the Ministry of Interior ensured that there was at no time any lack of appropriate numbers of ballot papers, ballot boxes, secure voting booths, and processing officials and voter lists. Within this framework, quite apart from the extensive preparations by a large number of public officials, the devotion to preparation and conduct of the polling day activities by volunteers was remarkable for the seriousness with which the process was addressed. 
8.     To reiterate, the attention to the preparation of new voter lists for this election, the broad delivery into the populace of secure national ID cards, and the delivery to voters of voter registration cards, coupled with the on-site polling station scrutiny and the physical marking of each voter’s hand with indelible dye after voting, ensured that voting fraud was difficult, if not, in practice, impossible. This reflected an improved level of preparation and security from even the impressively-organized parliamentary election in Morocco in September 2007 and local elections of July 2009. Moreover, the lack of any protests based on allegations of voter, or official, fraud post-election was indicative — as with the 2009 elections — of the transparency with which the process was viewed by citizens and political parties alike, confirming the legitimacy of the elections. The entire process reflected a new high-point for the conduct of elections worldwide, and should be seen as a template for other nations.
As a result of a review of the pre-election preparations and the conduct of the elections, ISSA considers the constitutional reform process in Morocco to be of strategic significance. 
Anecdotal Observations from ISSA Monitors:
A statement by the ISSA team of Dr Klara Knapp and Prof. Dr Klaus Lange, both ITS Germany,  visiting three different voting districts in Fez with 24 polling stations, included the following remarks, which typified the observations of all the ISSA teams throughout the country: “Neither outside the polling stations nor inside, could the team observe any attempt to influence or intimidate voters. Moreover voters declared that also in the run-up to the election there was no attempt to incorrectly influence voting behavior. 
The voting process was observed in all cases to have been conducted in an absolutely correct way. On this point there was also unanimous consent by the members of different parties observing the voting procedure inside the polling stations. The team concludes that there is no reason whatsoever to question the validity of the elections. No indication of inappropriate handling of the voting process could be detected.”
ISSA Monitor Kevin Harrigan, of the UK, noted — as did all members of the monitoring team — the absolute consistency of format, signage, and protocols at all the polling booths, and a high level of understanding of the process by polling station volunteers. It was also noted that the polling booth volunteers all showed a consistent neutrality toward voters, and provided a safe and secure atmosphere for voters. This was clearly as a result of clear operating instructions for all election teams, coupled with a strong sense of commitment to the democratic process being implemented.
The ISSA monitoring team in Layoune, in the Sahara, led by ISSA monitors Indranil Banerjie (India) and Yoichiro Kawai (Japan), also noted an absence of problems and issues at the polling stations they inspected, a fact which was significant given the international attention on Moroccan Western Sahara because of earlier irredentist claims. “The areas we visited were in the desert region of southern Morocco, which is considered [by some international commentators] as disputed territory, and has UN observers to ensure the ceasefire between government and rebel forces. 


The area is inhabited by nomads who tend goats and sheep and by small settled populations in a few urban centers,” their report noted. They continued: “We found a lot of young people at the polling booths and most expressed the idea that electing good, young candidates would help improve their lives particularly in the areas of employment, education and health.”
“Miraim, 29, a student pursuing a Masters programme in Arab Literature said she voted for a young candidate whom had promised to bring jobs to the young educated people of Layoune. She felt that young candidates would help ensure that the government allocates sufficient resources to create jobs and improve educational and health facilities. She also stated that it was the duty of young people to vote or else the space left would be occupied by destructive forces.”
“At the desert village of Foumeloued, 21-year-old Nabghouha, said she and her friends had voted for a young candidate in the hope that he would usher in changes for the better, particularly in the areas of education, work and social conditions. She denied that anybody had influenced her voting decision.
ISSA monitor Lee Mason (US) observed polling stations in Marrakesh with Ambassador James (Joe) Bissett (Canada). Their report noted: “The polling operations were well-organized, professional, and with a proper involvement of the public administration; the polling station teams knew what had to be done; everybody knew where to go and what to do. [Political] party observers were mostly young, and included many young women. Also on hand to scrutinize polling were representatives of women’s groups and allied groups, including those concerned with the participation of disabled persons. 
Systems in use in the polling were identical from station to station: a standard operating procedure was clearly in place. There was a sense of stability; the polling stations were tranquil, easy. Using schools was wise: parents vote where their children study. This was community activity in a secular sense. There appeared to be no constraints; both young and old women were arriving alone or in groups at the polls, in traditional dress or in modern Western attire.”
The remarks by these ISSA monitors reflected the anecdotal evidence of the entire team.
The report by the ISSA team covering two constituences in Casablanca noted the organizational structure in each polling area throughout the Kingdom. The report, by Dr Darko Trifunovic (Serbia) and Boyan Chukov (Bulgaria), noted: “Each voting unit comprises an elections commission which comprises a president of the commission, a vice-president, secretaries, and a senior member. The president ensures the efficient procession of the voting process and is in charge of the whole unit, together with the vice-president; secretaries are in charge of the voter list. The senior member keeps one of the [transparent] voting box keys while the president keeps the second one. It is also worth mentioning that all committee members are non-partisans.”
Challenges to the Development of the Moroccan Democratic Process:
The main challenge facing the Moroccan political system was the prospect of voter apathy. In the 2009 local and regional elections, turnout was 37 percent. In urban slums and remote villages, economically poorer elements of society told pollsters that “they did not plan to cast their ballots because they had no faith that legislators would work to improve their lives”. Therefore, all political parties and the media conducted a major awareness campaign in the final few days before the 2011 Parliamentary elections urging the populace to go out and vote. 


Famous artists, entertainers and other media personalities went public promising that they would “do all they can” to ensure higher turnout than in previous elections. As well, the entire country was covered with official banners urging the people to “do their national duty” and “participate in the change the country is undergoing”. This clearly paid dividends, with the considerably higher voter turnout which was achieved for the November 25, 2011, Parliamentary polls.
Apprehension about a possible low turnout did exist, right up until polling began, but rumors of a boycott by the “February 20 Movement” and its purported message as the cause proved to be erroneous. The quintessence of the intifadas which had spread through parts of the Arab World — a process commonly referred to as “the Arab Spring” — has been grassroots rejection of their failed modern states and regimes in favor of restoring traditional Islamist-dominated alternate forms of governance.  


In this context, Morocco is the exception which proves the rule. Morocco has been ruled by the Alaouite Dynasty since the mid-17th Century. Being a direct descendant of both Prophet Muhammad and Imam Ali, the King of Morocco has unassailable legitimacy under the most traditionalist and Islamic terms. 
As is the case in all Western democracies, free and fair parliamentary and local/regional elections give the public venues to express their political opinions and to affect both national and local issues. As a result, the vast majority of Moroccans had no reason to take to the streets. 


Moreover, members of the original organizing committee of the “February 20 Movement” withdrew their participation from the demonstrations against the Parliamentary elections once the extreme political character of some of the participating entities became clear. Simply put, Morocco has a combination of a traditionally-legitimate form of government with individual and political freedoms enabling all citizens to express their regional and localized traditions. Hence, there is no evidence of any meaningful grassroots interest in launching an intifada in Morocco. Indeed, the ongoing incitement of Al-Jazeera and other pan-Arab media served only to bring minuscule crowds to the streets. 
The ratification of the New Constitution in the July 1, 2011, referendum by an overwhelming majority of 98.49 percent of the voters with a voters’ turnout of 72.65 percent, clearly demonstrated the extent of genuine grassroots support for the Monarchy and the constitutional reforms process. 
ISSA has for some years carefully studied the evolution of Moroccan political processes. For example, an ISSA report analyzed King Mohammed VI’s speech of November 6, 2008, and highlighted his decision that Morocco unilaterally implement the “sophisticated process of regionalization” by introducing a new system of local governance. In this speech, His Majesty announced the launch of a process of profound domestic reforms in Morocco, both structurally (redistricting) and governance-wise (regionalization). 
It was with the June 12, 2009, local elections, then, that the people were elected who would be implementing the King’s vision of reform. This made the local elections of significance nationally, and were, then, equally important in positioning Morocco’s viability strategically. This process was compounded and brought to a significant watershed with the November 25, 2011, Parliamentary elections.
As was the case with the elections of September 7, 2007 — which ISSA also analyzed in several reports — Moroccan elections constitute excellent and accurate reflection of the dynamics in Moroccan society because they are inherently free, fair, and transparent. However, this process was taken to new levels of accountability with the June 12, 2009, and November 25, 2011, elections, and this was reflected by the markedly higher voter turnout than the 2007 parliamentary elections, and this higher turnout reflected growing voter confidence. 
Of particular importance was that the election process and voter turnout in the four provinces of the Moroccan Western Sahara (MWS) region of Morocco, given that this region — in which the United Nations has taken a particular interest — has been under international scrutiny, with a wide range of claims by external groups. This was the case in the 2009 local elections, and appeared also to be the case with the November 25, 2011, Parliamentary elections. Without addressing that debate in this report, it was important to note that ISSA’s careful monitoring of polling through urban and rural areas of Sahara showed, as with the 2009 polls:
(i)                A higher level of voter turnout than the national average;
(ii)              A high proportion of women voters;
(iii)            A complete absence of any presence by foreign-sponsored groups, or any indication of any influence over voters by foreign sponsored groups;
(iv)            The Algerian-supported and externally-based POLISARIO movement2 did not contest the elections, and, in discussions which ISSA had with voters at various polling stations, it was expressed that POLISARIO was, in fact, not seen as relevant or a consideration in the political process;
From the standpoint of ISSA’s interest in the conduct of the election, the results were strategically important for the transformative nature of what the elections themselves represented, rather than for who, or which parties, were elected. It was the election itself which showed the continued process of the devolution of power and responsibility from the leadership of a unitary state down to Parliamentary, regional and local levels. 
ISSA noted in the 2011 elections, as with the 2009 polls, the complete absence of any security concerns in the urban and rural areas visited, and noted, in contrast, the high levels of infrastructural investment throughout the Saharan territory, and the rising productivity of local economic activities, from phosphate and high-value sands mining and exports, to fisheries output and export.
Part of ISSA’s interest in closely watching the election process in Sahara was to be able — as it did in the 2009 election process — to verify or refute political claims made by external groups which had expressed an interest in the region. Quite significantly, the demonstrable integration of Sahara’s population and structures with those of the rest of the Kingdom has also ensured a positive and growing increase in public safety and the rule of law, which has been measured by the reality that the proliferation of narco-trafficking and illegal migration on much Africa’s West and Sahel coastline has been stemmed in the region of Moroccan Sahara. 
The Moroccan elections of September 7, 2007, June 12, 2009, and the November 25, 2011, Parliamentary elections were, collectively, among the most free and fair elections globally in recent years. They were also of strategic importance because they reflected a standard and a methodology which should serve as a model for elections elsewhere. Moreover, they were of strategic importance in that they represented a process by which a nation could re-invigorate its economic and social dynamic through the devolution of democratic processes to every level and geographic aspect of society. 


The International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA) is a worldwide, non-partisan organization for strategic policy officials. It has no political or ideological affiliations. It is based in Washington, DC, and has representatives around the world. See www.StrategicStudies.org.


Saturday, November 26, 2011

Morocco Elections: Success In Crossing The Threshold

MOROCCO ELECTIONS: SUCCESS IN CROSSING THE THRESHOLD


By Morocco News Agency Staff
Rabat, Morocco --- November 26, 2011 ... Initial results, as announced by Morocco Interior Minister Taieb Cherqaoui, indicate that voters’ turnout in the 2011 parliamentary elections stood at around 45% nationwide. This turnout thus exceeds the magic 37% of the 2007 parliamentary elections. 
Data collected and analyzed by the Moroccan Interior Ministry pointed out to a building voters’ momentum toward the closing of the elections. Voting started slow. By noontime, voter turnout stood at 11.5%. However, by 3pm (15:00 GMT) , voter turnout stood at 22.4%, and at 5 p.m. (17:00 GMT), voter turnout reached 34%. By 7 p.m. (19:00 GMT) when the polling stations closed down, the voters’ turnout stood at 45%. 

The voters’ turnout, while still below the 50% mark, does point to a growing confidence in the role of parliament and democracy in charting the nation’s course. 
Prior to the elections, international media, and consequently also Moroccan media, were swamped by reports generated by Western liberal NGOs and Western governments that support them about the growing popularity of the self-anointed “February 20 Movement” in context of “Arab Spring”. The West effectively supported the Movement’s call to boycott the elections because they urge the transformation of the King into a symbolic titular head of state with less power than the Queen of England. These Western-origin reporting created the great anticipation for a low voters’ turnout that would also constitute a protest against the constitutional reforms process in its entirety.
While, as discussed below, apprehension about a low turnout did exit - the identification of the “February 20 Movement” and its purported message as the cause is erroneous. 

The quintessence of the Intifada’s that spread throughout the Arab World - a process commonly known as “the Arab Spring” - has been grassroots rejection of their failed modern states and regimes in favor of restoring traditional Islamist-dominated alternate forms of governance.  In this context, Morocco is the exception that proves the rule. 

Morocco has been ruled by the Alaouite Dynasty since the mid-17th century. Being a direct descendant of both Prophet Muhammad and Imam Ali, the King of Morocco has unassailable legitimacy under the most traditionalist and Islamic terms. As is the case in all Western democracies, free and fair parliamentary and local and regional elections give the public venues to express their political opinions and affect both national and local issues. 

Hence, the vast majority of Moroccans have no reason to take to the streets. Moreover, the original organizing committee of the “February 20 Movement” withdrew their participation from the demonstrations once the extreme political character of some of the participating entities became clear. Simply put, Morocco has a combination of a traditionally-legitimate form of government with individual and political freedoms enabling all citizens to express their regional and localized traditions. There is no grassroots interest in launching an Intifada in Morocco. Indeed, the ongoing incitement of Al-Jazeera and other pan-Arab media could only bring minuscule crowds to the streets. 
The ratification of the New Constitution in the July 1, 2011, referendum by an overwhelming majority of 98.49% of the voters with a voters’ turnout of 72.65% clearly demonstrated the extent of genuine grassroots support for the Monarchy and the constitutional reforms process.  
Where there lingers a problem is the inherent mistrust of the economically weak segments of society in the ability, and according to some even willingness, of any elected government to resolve their plight, reverse the growing unemployment in their ranks, and overall improve their standard of living and prospects of advancement. The issue at hand, therefore, is not faith in the King and the reform process he has unleashed - but doubts whether an elected government be capable of implementing these policies and reforms. Indeed, in contrast, in the better educated and more affluent neighborhoods voters’ turnout was impressive and early - a reflection of the elite’s firm belief in, and support for, the King and the constitutional reforms.  
In the final phases of the elections campaign the leading political parties and blocs in Morocco focused on convincing the grassroots of their ability to implement these reforms - albeit in profoundly different ways. The public was urged to vote in order to demonstrate confidence in the constitutional reforms and then select who will implement them and how.
The voters’ turnout of 45% in Morocco yesterday clearly demonstrates that significant segments of the most skeptical elements of society are somewhat inclined to give the political parties a chance - perhaps a benefit of the doubt - to implement the King’s constitutional reforms which the public at large already overwhelmingly endorsed. 



Friday, November 25, 2011

Morocco Elections: Challenging The Apathy

Morocco Elections: Challenging The Apathy

By Morocco News Agency Staff

Rabat, Morocco --- November 25, 2011 ... Morocco’s historic elections got off to a very good start by noontime. International monitors in all the country’s main cities reported peaceful and ordinary votes. The weather is great – the sun is shining and the temperatures are mild, which should help voterturnout. Significantly, the pace of voters’ turnout picked up a bit.


The election voting stations throughout Morocco opened at 8 a.m. (08:00 GMT) and will close at 7 p.m. (19:00 GMT). The voter population is young - 57% of Morocco’s 13.6 million eligible voters are 35 or younger.


Indicative of the importance of the elections to the Moroccan political establishment is that 5,873 candidates from 31 parties are seeking to fill the 395 seats of Parliament - 70 of them earmarked for young and woman candidates.


The main challenge facing the Morocco political system is voters’ apathy. Back in the 2009 local and regional elections election turnout was 37 percent. In urban slums and remote villages downtrodden told pollsters that “they did not plan to cast their ballots because they had no faith that legislators would work to improve their lives.”Therefore, all political parties and the media have conducted a major awareness campaign in the last few days urging the populace to go out and vote.
Famous artists, entertainers and other media personalities went public promising that they would “do all they can” to ensure higher turnout than in previous elections. As well, the entire country is covered with official banners urging the people to “do their national duty” and “participate in the change the country is undergoing.”


International monitors in Morocco reported that in the polling election stations they visited staff members are adhering scrupulously to the voting process intended to ensure both no-multiple voting and absence of any voter intimidation.
Arriving at a polling station, the would-be voter is met by the first team of staff that is to verify the voter’s identity. The secretary of the polling station personally handles the voter’s national ID card to verify his or her eligibility. The secretary reads out loud the name and ID number and two other staff members verify the presence of the name and number on the voters’ list. Once the voter’s identity and eligibility are verified - the voter takes from a separate table a paper ballot form. The voter in Morocco then enters an enclosed polling booth. There he or she marks the national and local lists as he or she chooses. The voter then folds the paper ballot form so the marked selection is concealed from view. The voter then inserts the ballot form into the ballot box under the supervision of two staff members to make sure that there is no multiple voting.
The head of the polling station then marks the finger of the voter with inedible ink. The two members of the polling station staff sign in the margins of the voters’ list to confirm that the voter cast his/her ballot. The secretary hands the voter his national ID card and escort him/her out of the polling station. The next would be voter is then ushered in. International monitors noted that by mid-day the election process in Morocco was going on smoothly and no complaints were recorded.


The question on everybody’s mind remains the ultimate voters’ turnout.

Morocco Elections - Voter Turnout Is Good!

Voting in Morocco today for Democracy and Reforms





Thursday, November 24, 2011

Morocco Implements a New Constitutional Phase, Continuing to Move Ahead of Trends

Morocco Implements a New Constitutional Phase, Continuing to Move Ahead of Trends

 By Morocco News Agency Staff

Rabat, Morocco --- November 24, 2011 ... With the Middle East in many areas in political flames, Morocco is doggedly pursuing its evolutionary yet dramatic governance reform process which ranges from giving more self-rule authority to the country’s diverse regions to profound Constitutional reforms aimed to adapt to the changing times.

On March 9, 2011, King Mohammed VI, in a major speech to the nation, announced "the next phase of the advanced regionalization process" which is aimed to strengthen Morocco’s "democratic development model" and bring about "the substantial revision of the Constitution" which would, in turn, serve as the foundations for "comprehensive reforms" the King has said that he intends to initiate. The King cited the immense progress and "accomplishments in the area of promoting democracy" as the reason for his decision "to start enshrining advanced regionalization in the Constitution".

The "constitutionalization of regionalization" would be based on several key guidelines:

* Give the region its rightful place in the Constitution as a territorial entity, within the framework of the unity of the State, the nation, and the territory, keeping in mind the requirements of balance and national solidarity at inter- and intra-regional levels;

* Stipulate that regional councils would be elected through direct universal suffrage, and that regional affairs would be run in accordance with democratic principles;

* Empower the presidents of regional councils — instead of governors and walis — to implement council decisions;

* Promote the participation of women in the management of regional affairs in particular, and the exercise of political rights in general; in this respect, the law should favor equal access by women and men to elected office;

* Review the composition and powers of the House of Councilors thoroughly and in such a way as to enhance the regions’ representation in the House. As regards the representation of trade unions and professional organizations, it remained guaranteed by several institutions, particularly the Economic and Social Council, the aim being to rationalize the performance of institutional bodies.

Significantly, the key element of the process further empowered Morocco’s diverse population base — a tapestry of tribes, nations and religions spreading between the shores of the Mediterranean in the north and the border with Mauritania in the south — to better express their unique heritage, culture, and distinction with a wider self-rule within single unified Morocco.

"Our ultimate objective is to strengthen the foundations for a Moroccan regionalization system throughout the Kingdom, particularly in the Moroccan Sahara provinces. It should be based on good governance which guarantees a new, more equitable system for sharing not only powers, but also resources between the central authority and the regions," the King stressed. At the same time, however, there will be no special treatment to any part of the country. All Moroccans — from the Mediterranean to the Mauritanian border — will enjoy and benefit from the greater freedoms and self-determination accorded by the unfolding "constitutionalization of regionalization" reforms.

"What I do not want is a ‘two-speed’ regionalization, with fortunate regions that have the resources required for their progress on the one hand, and underprivileged regions lacking the requisites for development, on the other," the King stressed.

 To ensure the irreversibility of the regionalization process, the King resolved to enshrine it in the

Moroccan Constitution. Toward this end, the King decided to make "the regionalization process" an integral and central component of "a comprehensive constitutional reform which is designed to upgrade and revamp state institutions". The King announced that he "decided to introduce a comprehensive package of constitutional amendments based on the seven key elements below:"

1. Enshrine in the Constitution the rich, variegated yet unified character of the Moroccan identity, including the Amazigh component as a core element and common asset belonging to all Moroccans;

2. Consolidate the rule of law and the institution-based State; expand the scope of collective and individual freedoms and guarantee their practice; promote all types of human rights — political, economic, social and cultural rights as well as those relating to development and the environment — especially by inscribing, in the Constitution, the Justice and Reconciliation Commission’s well-founded recommendations as well as Morocco’s international commitments in this domain.

3. Elevate the judiciary to the status of an independent power and reinforce the prerogatives of the Constitutional Council to enhance the primacy of the Constitution, of the rule of law and of equality before the law;

4. Strengthen the principle of separation of powers, with the relating checks and balances, and promote the democratization, revamping and rationalization of institutions through the following:

* A Parliament emerging from free, fair elections, and in which the House of Representatives would play the prominent rôle; expand the scope of legislative action and provide Parliament with new powers which would enable it to discharge its representative, legislative, and regulatory mission;

* An elected government which reflects the will of the people, through the ballot box, and which enjoys the confidence of the majority of the House of Representatives;

* Confirming the appointment of the Prime Minister from the political party which wins the most seats in parliamentary election, as attested by election results;

* Consolidating the status of the Prime Minister as the head of an effective executive branch, who is fully responsible for government, civil service, and the implementation of the government’s agenda;

* Enshrining, in the Constitution, the Governing Council as an institution and specifying its prerogatives;

5. Shore up constitutional mechanisms for providing guidance to citizens, by invigorating the rôle of political parties within the framework of an effective pluralistic system, and by bolstering the standing of parliamentary opposition as well as the rôle of civil society;

6. Reinforce mechanisms for boosting moral integrity in public life, and establish a link between the exercise of power and the holding of public office with oversight and accountability; and

7. Enshrine in the Constitution the institutions concerned with good governance, human rights, and protection of liberties.

In order to implement these far-reaching reforms, the King announced the formation of a special committee to write the new Draft constitution. This would be "an ad hoc committee for the revision of the Constitution" which would be chaired by Mr Abdeltif Mennouni, one of Morocco’s leading legal and constitutional experts. The ad hoc committee was expected to report back to the King by June 2011. Once the new Draft Constitution was completed, it would be submitted for the people’s approval via referendum, and only then — assuming it was accepted — for adoption and implementation by the Government and Parliament.

In his conclusion of the speech, King Mohammed VI highlighted the historical significance of the evolutionary character of Morocco’s governance reform process.

"The launching, today, of this constitutional reform is a milestone in the consolidation of our distinctive model which is based on democracy and the pursuit of development."

Indeed, these new reforms are an integral part of the long-term process of "thorough institutional reform" initiated by King Mohammed VI soon after his ascent to the Throne in July 1999.

The current phase of the process can be traced to the aftermath of the parliamentary elections of

September 7, 2007. These elections were a major step in the modernization and democratization campaign initiated and led by King Mohammed. Rabat committed to domestic reforms — particularly democratic reforms and individual rights — as the cornerstones of the country’s ascent into the 21st Century.

With a democratically-elected Parliament in place, it became imperative for Morocco to complete implementation of the King’s domestic reforms process. On November 6, 2008, King Mohammed delivered a major speech commemorating the 33rd anniversary of the Green March. The King announced the next phase of reforms which Morocco would embark on in the near future. These would be most important domestic and governance reforms.

The crux of the speech articulated the King’s decision that Morocco resolved to unilaterally implement the "sophisticated process of regionalization" which would ultimately provide all Moroccans with a new system of local governance.

Given the immense diversity of the population of Morocco, the new policy of regionalization would enable all Moroccan to better secure and express their distinction and traditions within the framework of unified yet diverse Morocco. In practical terms, the King talked about granting more powers to the local governments — that is, municipalities and regional councils — so that they could adapt to the distinct character and traditions of each and every population group and region of the country. Essentially, the King announced the launch of a process of profound domestic reforms in Morocco, both structurally (redistricting) and governance-wise (regionalization).

The King stressed that Morocco could no longer postpone domestic reforms until there was commensurate progress in the international arena.

"Whatever the developments concerning our national cause at regional or international level, Morocco will continue to rely on itself and uphold its legitimate rights. It will remain vigilant and mobilized and will preserve the cohesion and unity of the internal front, which is the source of our strength," the King said. Therefore, the King explained, "Morocco cannot afford to remain idle; nor can it allow the country’s development and democratic process to be subject to the tactics and maneuvers of others."

As a result, the King announced on November 6, 2008, that he had decided "to open a new page in the ongoing reforms" he had been spearheading.

Toward this end, Morocco "shall soon be launching a gradual, sophisticated process of regionalization which will cover all parts of the Kingdom, especially the Moroccan Sahara region".

Significantly, the reform program would apply equally to all Moroccans: as he said, from the shores of the Mediterranean to the Mauritanian border, and from the Atlantic coast to the Algerian border. The King stressed the significance of the reform process and outlined the roadmap for the nation.

Taken together, the reform process the King announced constitutes a major stride toward further democratization and greater freedoms — both personal and communal — for all Moroccans. The King concluded that "whatever the circumstances, the Kingdom of Morocco will remain true to its cultural identity as an open nation, encouraged and inspired by the credibility enjoyed by the Moroccan model at regional and international levels."

The King’s preference, expressed in 2007 and 2008, for a gradual and measured implementation of the far-reaching reforms was soon proven correct. The structural reforms — that is, the redistricting of Morocco — were completed by Summer of 2009. The success of the reforms were immediately put to the test and confirmed in the local elections of June 12, 2009. The election was professionally conducted and clearly reflected the public’s involvement in, and commitment to, the reform process. Hence, with the redistricting phase successfully completed and proven through the exceptionally successful elections of June 2009, it was time to undertake the more important and challenging component of the King’s reform process: the governance-wise regionalization reforms.

And so, on January 3, 2010, the King announced the launching of the next phase in Morocco’s progress toward modernization and democratization without losing its unique character as one of the world’s oldest monarchies.

The next challenge would be the implementation of the "sophisticated, national regionalization model" starting the Summer of 2010. Toward this end, King Mohammed addressed the nation on January 3, 2010, and announced the establishment of an Advisory Committee on Regionalization in order to formulate the future structure of the Kingdom. "This is a watershed moment, the start of a structural project which, hopefully, will mark a turning point in territorial governance," the King stated. The King stressed that the establishment of the committee was "the beginning of a new dynamic towards a thorough institutional reform. Viewed from this angle, the extensive regionalization we want to achieve is not a mere technical or administrative procedure, but rather a major initiative for the overhaul and modernization of state structures and for the achievement of integrated development."

The committee’s mandate was "to draw up a general plan for a sophisticated, national regionalization model, covering all of the Kingdom’s regions," which would be submitted to the King. Morocco continued to grapple with the quest for the right balance between the national unity represented by the historic monarchy and the diversity of the population: a tapestry of tribes, nations and religions cohabiting a geographically diverse country stretching from the densely populated urban north to the vast and empty Sahara in the south. Therefore, the King explained, the Committee’s task would be "to develop a [Moroccan] typical national regionalization system and avoid mere imitation or replication of other countries’ experiences". The King emphasized that Morocco "is one of the world’s most longstanding monarchies. Throughout the ages, the Moroccan monarchy has remained the guarantor of national unity."

The new regionalization initiative thus heralded Morocco’s "taking bold, national stances or devising innovative responses to crucial issues facing the nation".

So, in his January 3, 2010, speech King Mohammed VI articulated that the forthcoming reform would be a major national challenge which would chart Morocco’s future character. He urged all Moroccans "to be acutely aware of the stakes involved in the crucial area of broad-based regionalization". Ultimately, Morocco’s "national ambition is to move from fledgling regionalization to advanced, democratic, development-oriented regionalization," the King explained.

The King concluded by reiterating his "objective of making extensive regionalization the institutional pillar of the Moroccan state; an institution-based state that upholds the rule of law, fulfills the requirements of good governance and concomitantly defends not only the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the nation, but also the right of each and every Moroccan to dignity and responsible citizenship in a united, secure, advanced, solidarity-based country".

Now, as the King noted in his March 9, 2011, speech, the new phase of reforms was indeed based on the report of the Advisory Committee on Regionalization. "On 3 January 2010, I had asked the Committee to prepare a general conception for an advanced Moroccan regionalization model," the King reminded. The further formulation of "this general plan [in order] to bring it to maturity through a wide-ranging, constructive national debate" was consistent with the King’s address on August 20, 2010. In this speech, the King explained that "building on the progress achieved with respect to decentralization, [he] launched the major project of advanced regionalization in order to promote good governance at local level and press ahead with integrated development." Toward this end, he instructed the Committee "to come up with the broad lines of a typically Moroccan system of advanced regionalization that takes into account the realities and specificities of our country."

The conclusions and recommendations of the Advisory Committee on Regionalization now serve as the basis for the next round of reforms. On February 21, 2011, the King ordered the organization of the Economic and Social Council. Chakib Benmoussa, who as Interior Minister oversaw the beginning of the implementation of the King’s regionalization and democratization reforms, was nominated by the King as Chairman of the Council.

As is the case in all Western democracies, free and fair parliamentary and local / regional elections give the public venues to express their political opinions and affect both national and local issues. However, the emergence of fringe groups and interests as a result of the accelerated modernization and urbanization — some legitimate and some burning nonetheless — required additional attention and further study. And this is the mandate of the Economic and Social Council.

Morocco already has a combination of a traditionally-legitimate form of government with individual and political freedoms enabling all citizens to express their distinct regional and localized traditions. To further improve and consolidate this diversity while further improving democracy and independent judiciary, Morocco has "decided to undertake a comprehensive constitutional reform," King Mohammed VI said on March 9, 2011.

"Considering the accomplishments in the area of promoting democracy, Morocco is in a position today to start enshrining advanced regionalization in the Constitution in order to make sure that it will stem from the direct free will of the people."